By John B. Manbeck
a Brooklyn historian
Special to The Brooklyn Eagle

Among notable Tammany members were the Civil War general, congressman and confessed murderer, Dan Sickles, and the often-quoted George Washington Plunkitt, a state senator. Plunkitt, a loyal machine member, practiced “honest graft� — “I seen my opportunities and I took ‘em,� he admitted in defense of his actions. Some activities never change.

Brooklyn, of course, was not exempt from this chicanery. The most visible Brooklyn boss was Hugh McLaughlin, the boss of the 1862 “Brooklyn ring,� who helped create both Prospect Park and the Brooklyn Bridge. To the south, the kingdom by the sea was lorded over by John Y. McKane, who defied laws and Brooklyn politicians while creating Coney Island from sand drifts by sub-leasing public lands. McLaughlin’s defeat came after his conflict with Richard Crocker of Tammany following the New York City consolidation; McKane’s came from Prosecutor William Gaynor and the court, which sent him to Sing Sing.

Parallels to today’s political shenanigans indicate that some people enter politics for questionable reasons, not necessarily for the public good. The lobbying of politicians by private interest groups has left us in an economic mess, but it’s not new, just bigger and more flagrant.

In the previous column, I referred to Tweed rising from a volunteer fire company. One of the civic advantages that we accept today is having government-run municipal services: police, fire and sanitation, although these services might be considered “socialistic� on Fox media. In the 17th-19th centuries, fire insurance companies financed and supported volunteer fire companies under aldermanic supervision.

To protect their interests, the insurance companies issued iron fire insurance plaques, which people nailed to their frame houses. If your house caught fire, the firemen would search for the fire insurance plaque before they started pumping water on your home. This law received strong support from politicians, prodded by the insurance company representatives. The system can be compared to today’s refusal of hospital care to those without medical insurance.

After the Civil War, fire insurance losses increased as the city grew and wooden structures burned more often. Then the insurance companies supported creation of a Metropolitan Fire Department, although the politicians initially resisted. New York founded a fire department in 1865; Brooklyn formed theirs in 1869. After some violent dissent, the volunteer companies turned equipment over to the newly paid fire companies.

Today, nine volunteer fire companies operate in the city, now supervised by the Fire Department. Only one serves in Brooklyn in Gerritsen Beach.

In similar ways, the financial section of the city (Wall Street) received the best police protection. In the closing days of the 19th century, those with criminal records would be arrested on sight by order of Manhattan’s chief of detectives, Thomas Byrnes, and without reason, if found anywhere below Manhattan’s 14th Street. For his patronizing concern of Wall Street interests, Byrnes retired very wealthy when Police Commissioner Teddy Roosevelt forced him out.

Our human weaknesses never seem to disappear; only their names or methods change. Is this type of “American� political system what people defend when they crusade to achieve the American dream?

© 2009 John B. Manbeck manbeck@brooklyneagle.net

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